The Najaf State
By : Mohamed Said Al Turihi
Basic Historical Background
Shiism emerged early on in the first Hegira century. Over the following fourteen centuries it evolved within particular sets of historical and religious conditions and gained adherents at different times and places around the world. It became firmly established within - and developed alongside - various cultural communities, and took part in shaping the evolving Islamic sciences, advancing the various schools of philosophy in particular and setting the stage for the emergence of new pursuits and trends. Its influence was felt in the Islamic historical narrative - in the social, political and intellectual domains - but went even farther, leading as it did in various communities to a transformation and renewal of intellectual life commensurate with their power and sphere of influence. Its impact, both positive and negative, remains with us today in many forms, though to a larger or lesser extent in different countries. Today, it continues to define the intellectual, social and even political life of millions of people in completely open or totally covert ways.
The focus of the highest religious authority, "Marji'", for all followers of the Imamid Shiite sect, is the preeminent position held by the Grand Mujtahed; the living and present representative of the Awaited Imam Al-Mahdi who vanished from public sight in the year 940 AD - 329 H. The Grand Mujtahed, as deputy of the Awaited Imam, is the symbol of the "Imamah" doctrine, considered by Shiites to be the third article of faith of the Islamic religion, following Tawhid and Nubuwwah (the oneness of God and Prophethood, respectively). It is for this reason that the 'Deputy' is considered the Marji' (the highest religious authority) and the most influential figure in the spiritual life of Imamid Shiites in the world.
In later periods, it became customary to identify the position held by the Marji' as Marji'iyah [lit. the place of return] since it is the focal point of the Shiites with respect to all their spiritual questions, and the person of Marji' was given the title of Grand Ayatullah. A rather recent invention and purely figurative in nature as it possesses neither doctrinal nor historical bases, it is intended to give high esteem to the Marji'.
Centuries ago, the Marji'iyah settled in the city of Najaf some 140 kilometers south of Baghdad turning the city into the spiritual capital for which the hearts of millions of Shiites all over the world yearn. The successive powers that have ruled Iraq since, be they Arabs, Persians, Turks or Franks, recognized the religious particularity of Najaf and accorded it a special status that allowed it relative independence.
The history of Iraq attests to the fact that all the nations that managed to conquer Iraq invariably accorded the city of Najaf special treatment and took great care to avoid any measures that might have been construed by the Ulema of Najaf as infringing on their rights or their areas of influence. There are several anecdotes that convey the sense of esteem in which the sanctuary of Najaf is held by the ruling authorities and its relevance to Shiites. The story goes that Sultan Murad, the Sunnite Turk, entered Najaf barefoot as a sign of reverence for Imam Ali.
A historical review of Najaf's independence up to the early twentieth century, is presented here in the hope that Najaf's ever-growing religious role, may reclaim that high esteem through the implementation of a plan to reaffirm its independence, so that it may resume its mission of enlightenment in the service of humanity and world peace.
The Most Noble Najaf
The city is one of the world's major sacred cities and the history of early human settlement discovered there goes back 60,000 years. Najaf witnessed the succession of ancient civilizations that rose in Mesopotamia, and to its side the famed Arab kingdom of Hirah flourished circa 240 B.C. It was the gathering place for migrant tribes from Yemen and the Arabian Peninsula, and an important center of Arab culture that attracted the paragons of ancient Arab literature, such as Imre' ul-Qais, Al-Mutallames, Turfah Ibn Al-'Abd, Al-Nabighah Al-Thubyani and Labid Ibn Rabi'ah Al-'Ameri, and from among the Mokhadramites (pre Islamic era poets who lived to see the rise of Islam): Hassan Ibn Thabit and Zuhair Ibn Abi Salma. Najaf was also a trading post in whose ports anchored ships from India and China before the Sea of Najaf ran dry. It was through the people of Najaf that Arabic handwriting was transmitted to the Hijaz where it was taught to the people of Ta'if and Quraish, and after the advent of Islam, the people of Najaf perfected the Kufi print which, to this day, is the pride and joy of Islamic calligraphy.
The majority of the people of Najaf had embraced the Christian faith in the fourth century A.D, and to this day, the remains of some Christian monasteries still stand in different parts of the city.
In the year 633 A.D. - 12 H, Muslim armies entered the region and, in the Muslim tradition, most of the inhabitants kept to their Christian faith and agreed to pay the ‘jizyhah’, a tax imposed on non-Muslims in the community instead of the Zakat which is paid by Muslims. Four years later, however, the Muslim army chose the adjacent city of Kufa (9 km from Najaf) to put up its soldiers, who proceeded to take up permanent residence in that city and its environs in the direction of Najaf (then called the ‘Back of Kufa’). Sa'ad Ibn Abi Waqas, a companion of the Prophet, established Al-Jami' Mosque in Kufa in 637 A.D. - 16 H, around which the Arab tribes soon began to gather. Kufa flourished in no time, particularly following the year 656 A.D. - 36 H, in which Ali bin Abi Taleb, the Prophet Mohammad's cousin and son-in-law and, for the Imamid Shiite sect, his presumed and rightful successor, took up residence in the city. His companions and supporters were with him and the Imamid Shiite sect had enjoined religious obedience to his command. Imam Ali found the city agreeable and moved the seat of the Caliphate from Medina. He was so fond of it that he once described it as “God's spear and the treasure of faith”. Imam Ali (pbuh) used to visit the “White Thakwat” in Najaf, which are a cluster of hills overlooking the expansive Najaf valley where several of God's earlier prophets: Adam, Noah, Hud and Saleh (pbut) are buried. At one stage the Imam informed his household of his impending martyrdom and willed to have his body buried at a specified place in the valley which he pointed out to them. His sons, Al-Hassan and Al-Hussein, carried out Imam Ali (pbuh) - their father's will, and buried him in that spot which has now come to lie inside the city of Najaf. Revered as the site of his burial, the city became known as El Najaf El Ashraf (Most Noble Najaf) and is one of the holiest places for Shiites, after Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem. The followers of Imam Ali, however, could not reach the burial site easily and freely because its location was kept secret by members of his household and was privy only to a select few of his followers for fear that the grave would be desecrated by Umayyad legions should they find it. The Umayyads were obstinately engaged in the persecution of Shiites, chasing, threatening or killing activists and bearers of that message.
The location of the grave was thus enshrined in secrecy for years. It only became public a century and a half after the martyrdom of the Imam (pbuh) in the year 786 A.D. - 170 H during the reign of the Abbasid Caliph, Al-Rashid, who constructed the first building on the site. The shrine has since become a sanctuary that is visited by all Muslims and a place of assembly for people from near and far. The site as well as the buildings and quarters in its immediate environs became shelters for theologians and transmitters of prophetic traditions. These were the foundations upon which the Shiite scientific movement was built, and the role of Najaf as a holy shrine rapidly expanded. The door of Ijtihad (independent judgment in a legal or theological question) was left wide open particularly following the verification of the Grand Concealment of the Twelfth Imam, Mohammad Al-Mahdi (son of the Imam Al-Hassan Al'Askari) in 940 A.D. - 329 H, and the circulation of the reported signed injunction urging his followers to take up Ijtihad, passed by the Awaited Imam to one of his companions, Mohammad Ibn Ya'coub, wherein he says: "[and as for current occurrences, in them you consult the narrators of our sayings, for therein lies my insight"1.
The role of Shiite theologians in Baghdad, the capital of the Abbasids, grew bigger and other schools of theology started to compete with them. Upon the instigation of the Seljuk Turkish rulers of Baghdad at the time, a Sunnite school of theology, the Hanbalites, were led to confront them. On that day, the grand Shiite theologian, Sheikh Mohammad Ibn Al-Hussein Al-Tusi (1067-998 A.D., 388-460 H) was the subject of an assassination attempt and the chair on which he delivered his lectures was burned in Karkh, Baghdad2. A major riot would have ensued were it not for the quick action of Al-Tusi who ordered his followers to refrain from responding. Along with his students he departed to Najaf Ashraf in the year 1057 A.D. - 449 H, and made the city his permanent residence until his death. From that time on, the role of the scientific schools (Hawzas) and theological studies expanded, and the city became the focal point of Ulema and travelers. The Andalusian traveler Ibn Jubair who visited Najaf in 1184 A.D. - 580 H, more than a century after the death of Sheikh Al-Tusi, says: "by morning we arrived in Najaf, at the site of the Prince of the Faithful Ali bin Abi Talib, where groups of Alawids and nobles were present"3.
Ibn Batutah reported after his visit to Najaf: "a beautiful city lying on expansive and solid land, one of the best and most populous cities in Iraq and the best built, with pleasant and clean Souqs, which we entered through the gate of the shrine – (and after he goes on to name the Souqs, he says:) then the gate to the shrine where the grave is .. and adjacent to it, the schools, the Zawaya [small mosques belonging to religious orders], and Khawaniq built in the best of fashion, with walls of porcelain ... and through the gate one enters into a grand school where Shiite students and Sufis lodge, where every guest is given three days’ hospitality of bread, meat and dates, twice a day ... There is no tax or debt collector or governor in this city. People are ruled instead by a representative of the Ashraf (descendents of the Prophet). They are tradesmen who travel to other regions, and are people of courage and generosity, and no neighbor of theirs is ever aggrieved. I traveled with them and commend their companionship ... and the treasury of Rawdah is immense. In it there is so much money that it cannot be managed"4.
Ibn Batutah thus praised Najaf and gave witness to its greatness and centrality to the Islamic countries. He also pointed out its independence and special status among the regions of Iraq, for the chief of Najaf whose authority is to be obeyed is the Representative of the Ashraf so that none has authority over him. Ibn Batutah adds: "and he is favored by the king of Iraq, his position at whose court is immense. He holds the rank of great princes in his travels, for he has the banners and drums, and at his gate the drum is sounded evenings and mornings. To him belongs the dominion of this city and there are no rulers in it save him, no collector of taxes for the Sultan or any other."
Ibn Batutah elaborated listing the Ashraf who ruled Najaf, and thus proving beyond doubt the city’s political and scientific independence which endured and even gained strength during the second Abbasid period, not to be surrendered even during the formidable Mongolian upheaval, for the city continued to function as such during the succeeding historical periods. The Representative of the Ashraf in Najaf would even assume responsibility for defense affairs and military authority in the city as he was in charge of the Pilgrims' Emirate, a post that required the presence of organized armed forces to undertake the protection of pilgrims' caravans. In some instances, the responsibility of presiding over the lands of Kufa and Hilla was added to the authority of the Najaf ‘Naqeeb’ the head of the Alids (descendents of Imam Ali through his sons Al Hassan and Al Hussein). This was an administrative post that encompassed the entire middle Euphrates area5.
Najaf continued to be autonomous for many centuries after the Mongol invasion in 1258 A.D. - 656 H, and during the reign of the successive Turkmen governments, before the whole of Iraq was put under Ottoman rule. The Ottoman rulers didn't change past practices and continued to treat Najaf as autonomous. They acknowledged the hereditary authority of the Naqeebs in Najaf and contented themselves with certifying the proceedings when a new Naqeeb took office by dispatching the "Yerlig" - the certification decree - from Istanbul. The independent government of Najaf saw a succession of Naqeebs. Among those - prior to Ottoman rule - were the families of Tawous, 'AbdulHamid, Kutailah, Faqih and Abhareyeen of the Hassanids, and the families of Muhana, Aweyeen and Aftaseyeen of the Husseinids. During the Ottoman rule, the rule of Najaf was in the hands of the Naqeebs from the Kamunah family (a well-known Husseinid family whose descendents are still in Iraq to this day).
Following that, the government of Custodians emerged. Custodianship (Sidana Ar.) is the function of overseeing the affairs of the sanctuary of Imam Ali (pbuh). With the emergence of the power of Custodians, the post of the Naqeeb was weakened. This took place in the eleventh century when the management of the affairs of Najaf was taken over by the family of Al-Malaali; a family of the Unza tribe who assumed custody of Imam Ali's (pbuh) tomb. Their influence continued from 1035 to 1266 H, 1625-1849 A.D., but they weakened, and during the last decades of their rule, Najaf was subject to several raids by Wahhabi forces, the first of which was in 1216 H - 1801 A.D. The Wahhabis entered and plundered the city; the first armed invasion of Najaf since the first Muslim conquest. The unprecedented event prompted the leaders of the Najaf tribes to seriously consider plans to defend their city. Armed militias made up of the sons of these tribes were formed and they were prepared to confront the expected Wahhabi raids. It was thus that the power of the Custodians was weakened while the influence of the Shomort and Zoqort movements rose. These two popular armed movements were made up of the city's able youth, and together they controlled the city but they later quarreled and fought against each other. The Ottoman authorities in Baghdad didn't dare to interfere between the combatants, but it amalgamated the posts of Custodians and Naqeebs into one position, where then Sayyed Riza Ibn Mohammad Ibn Hussein Al-rafi'i assumed the post in 1853 A.D.- 1270 H, and succeeded in restoring public order to Najaf with the support of the city's Ulema. After his death, the post was passed on to his son Jawad Al-Rafi'i who followed in his father's footsteps. A year later, the Ottoman rulers decided to apply the administrative rule of Vilayat to Najaf. The city, accordingly, became the center of a Qada' named after it, headed by a Qa'imqam directly appointed by the Sublime Porte in Istanbul. The Ottoman Caliph then exempted the people of Najaf from military service (although this decree wasn't implemented the way it was supposed to). Visits to Najaf were always on the agenda of Ottoman sultans and their governors who visited Iraq, in a bid by the sultanate to gain the affection of Shiite theologians whose influence extended to all the Arab tribes that are well-rooted in the rural areas of Iraq and its southern plains, in addition to their spiritual authority all over the world, and wherever Shiites were found. This doesn't mean that good relations between the Ottoman authority and the Shiite Marji'iya (highest religious authority) was the norm. There were serious crises where Shiites were subjected to ugly periods of injustice and persecution. Even so, Shiites defended the Ottomans and lives were sacrificed as they attempted to push back the British invaders of Iraq in 1914, in defense of the same Caliphate that had earlier persecuted them. They were heeding the Fatwa of their Ulema who favored the continuity of the Ottoman Islamic authority over the entry of the British, while at the same time, the Iraqi official Sunnite establishment stood back and waited for the outcome of the unfolding events so as to side with the victor, something that was both a cause of wonder and unease for Ottoman leaders in Iraq6.
When it became obvious that the British were the victorious party, the official Sunnite establishment soon started collaborating and pursued good relations with them, and Abdulrahman Al-Naqib, then the holder of the highest religious post for Sunnites in Iraq, was "practically transformed into a ‘tool’ of British policy in Iraq. During the most critical days that the British faced in Iraq, the revolt of the 1920 Revolution, Al-Naqib practically sided with the revolution's opposing party"7. He was rewarded by the British and given the post of Prime Minister, where on that day he made public his hostile intentions against Shiites as he refused to include a single Shiite Minister in his cabinet. After the formation of the first cabinet, Sir Percy Cox took note of the issue and he convinced Al-Naqib of the necessity to assign a cabinet post without portfolio to a Shiite. That single post in the cabinet was given to a man who had previously served in the government at the beginning of the occupation"8. The man wasn't one of the Shiite nationalists whose sights were turned towards Sheriff Hussein Ibn Ali, in Hijaz, whereas Abdul Rahman Al-Naqib didn't hide his animosity towards the Hashemites starting with Sheriff Hussein's Revolt in 1916. No sooner had Al-Naqib found out that Faisal I was on the list of candidates for the Iraqi throne, than he went berserk. He preferred to have the Turks rule Iraq than have Iraq under the rule of the Sheriff of Hijaz or one of his sons9.
The participation of Shiites alongside the Ottomans in the war against the British caused a crisis of confidence between the two parties that lasted for a long time as the British proceeded to colonise Iraq. In 1918, the Shiites initiated a military campaign against the British in Najaf, and on June 30th, 1920 they were the force behind the outbreak of the 1920 Revolution; the greatest liberation movement in Iraq. After the suppression of the revolution, the British charged Shiite theologians and leaders of their tribes in the Middle Euphrates, with inciting the revolution. Thus most Shiite leaders were kept away from the main posts of the nascent Iraqi state that was established in 1921, causing Najaf to gradually lose its independence and influence, as the official policy of excluding Shiites remained in place in Iraq10. From the early twentieth century until the beginning of the present decade of the twenty first century, the Shiites of Iraq have experienced the most brutal forms of persecution and oppression that reached an apex of cruelty and severity during the rule of the former Ba'athist regime which lasted from 17th of July 1978 to April 9, 2003.
Iraqi Shiites According to National Affiliation
Shiite Minorities in
The Major Forces of Imamid Shiites in
Shiites in the Modern World
The Shiite population is spread in many countries throughout the world. However, the majority of Shiites lives in close geographical proximity. Shiites comprise the majority of the population of Iraq (60%), Iran (92%), Azerbaijan (70%), and Bahrain (70%). They make up the majority of the population in the oil rich eastern region of Saudi Arabia, and constitute a sizable percentage of the populations of the other Gulf countries: Qatar, Oman and UAE, and in the Levant: Syria and Lebanon. Shiites have a noticeable presence in the Indian peninsula: India and Pakistan, and a number of Asian and African countries. All Shiites, irrespective of their race and nationality, view the war on terrorism realistically. Most express increasing satisfaction with the outcome of the war, which has led to freedom and liberty for them in their countries of residence which, though small in proportion, has nevertheless encouraged them to demand more of the religious freedoms and human rights that were denied them in the past. In what follows we briefly shed some light on these palpable feelings of satisfaction:
Afghanistan: Shiites were delighted with the destruction of the reactionary and criminal Taliban regime that persecuted them and committed tens of massacres against them. Today, the Hazara and other Shiites in Afghanistan live more securely and peacefully in Banian and elsewhere.
Pakistan: The terrorist groups nurtured by Wahhabism, such as Jaishu Mohammad and Jaishu Al-Sahaba and others, have either shrunk or were weakened. They and their extremist followers were behind the terrorist attacks, carried out with lethal weapons and bombs on Shiite mosques and Husseiniyat. Some declare Shiites to be apostates and on that basis sanction the shedding of their blood.
Saudi Arabia: For the first time in the history of Saudi rule, throughout which oppression of Shiites has persisted, some openness is being witnessed by the Shiite citizens who have long suffered as a result of the intolerance and extremism of the dominant puritanical Wahhabi sect. After the fall of the Ba'athist regime on April 9, 2003, the Shiites of Saudi Arabia, whose presence in the country goes back to the earliest periods of Islam, found some breathing room to speak about their problems. A petition was signed by many Shiite intellectuals in Saudi Arabia and presented to the Crown Prince demanding a measure of justice! The Crown Prince responded by organizing joint meetings with the country's theologians in an attempt to reach some common ground in dealing with Shiites. The issue is still under consideration and while no one can foresee the outcome, the meeting wouldn't have taken place had there not been extensive discussions between the leadership and the religious authority in the country – which had initially objected vehemently – and in any case this wouldn't have happened had it not been for the events in Baghdad on the 9th of April.
Bahrain: The population which is mostly Shiite, has witnessed the beginning of a new era upon the new king's ascension to the throne. The Shiites were invited to work and participate in government institutions and they were given, for the first time, a chance to express their intellectual and religious freedoms. The experiment is still in its beginnings, considering that the extremist Salafi (fundamentalist) lobby in the country is still very strong and extremely concerned about the demographics of the country. The pressure they brought to bear on the government has led it to grant citizenship to tens of thousands of Arab and non-Arab Sunnites, in an apparent bid to reverse the demographic imbalance, limit the role of Shiites and decrease the number of electoral seats they occupy. The municipal elections were fraught with irregularities which the government covered up, the Shiites won only 23 seats, although they constitute more than 70% of the population, whereas Sunnites gained 27 seats. At any rate we do accept that the democratic experiment must be given time.
These were some examples that may explain why Shiite Muslims sympathise with America and regard the events of September 11 as a human catastrophe, for they know better than others the reality of terrorism which has come to dominate many countries, and they are indeed its victims but it is beginning to lose its grip thanks to the global war on terrorism. It is for this reason that one of the major Shiite institutions held a ceremony in London on Thursday, October 25, 2001 to denounce the tragic events of September 11. The British Prime Minister Tony Blair made a point of attending this ceremony to show appreciation for this gesture of goodwill. It is also in this context that the decisions taken by the Marji'iya, in Najaf Ashraf, asking Shiites to refrain from fighting the international coalition forces in Iraq, can be interpreted.
Will the Americans and the British take advantage of this good will initiative to build strong ties with (the State of) Marji'iya, which will have a direct impact on world peace, be it in the Middle East or elsewhere?
State of the City of Najaf
Stato della citta del Najaf
People: Iraqi Arab.
Population: 20,000 (Twenty Thousand) citizens, 40,000 non-citizens and 10,000 employees.
Ethnic Groups: Arabs, Persians, Indians, Turks, Pakistanis, Africans, Indonesians, Europeans, Afghans, Americans ... etc. (The majority are men of religion, accompanied by civilians: employees and their families).
Languages: Arabic, English (second language).
Religion: Shiite Muslims.
Geography: Historical Najaf.
Location: The heart of the Middle Euphrates (Iraq).
Head of State: The Highest Religious Authority for the Shiites, Marji'.
Flag: Green - Red - White, and on the latter, 14 black stars.
National Holiday: 12, 13 and 14 of the month of Rajab, which mark the arrival of Imam Ali at Kufa, the day he made the city the capital of the Islamic caliphate and his birthday respectively.
Revenues:
1. Religious tourism.
2. Revenues from pilgrimage route (Najaf to Medina, 15,555 km)
3. Legal funds.
4. Dafniya (burial fee in Salam Valley)
5. Shiite Waqf (endowments).
Najaf will issue its own currency and postage stamps. It will have its own radio and television stations (broadcasting in different languages).
The official Najaf newspaper will in addition to religious information, cover Fatwa, news and other issues.
Property of the State: The holy sanctuaries in Iraq will be considered the private property of the Najaf State, and these are:
The 'Askarid Rawda - Samerra.
The Alid Rawda - Najaf.
The Husseinid Rawda - Karbala'.
The Abbasid Rawda – Karbala’
The Kazimid Rawda - Baghdad.
Al-Jami' mosque - Kufa,
As well as all the tombs and mosques known to belong to the Shiites, among them:
Al-Shams Assembly - Hilla (Babel)
Bratha mosque - Baghdad
Sayyed Mohammad Sab' Al-Dajil - Balad
Al-Hamza Al-Gharbi - Al-Hamza
Awlad Muslim bin Aqeel – Al Musayeb
Imam Ali shrine - Basra .. etc.,
along with all religious schools (Hawzas), Husseiniyat, libraries and all that is connected with Shiite Waqf.
Headquarters: The highest religious authority’s headquarters will be purpose-built, inspired by Arab Islamic architecture and constructed using modern construction methods, that also take into consideration security aspects.
Defense: Najaf will be completely free of arms and politically neutral. Responsibility for security and defense will be assigned to the Iraqi state.
Responsibilities: The Marji' (highest religious authority) will assume all responsibilities delegated to him by the Shiite constitution, as head of a sovereign state, and will hold the judicial and executive authorities. He will be assisted by advisors, courts of law and a bureau of public affairs.
Representatives: Najaf will have its own diplomatic corps and the Marji' will himself assign the Najaf State's representatives to world countries.
The Marji' will also have representatives in the cities of Baghdad, Basra and Karbala, each of whom will have their own offices and will enjoy diplomatic immunity. Iraqi officials would not be allowed to enter without the prior approval of the relevant authorities in Najaf.
Economic & Cultural Institutions Affiliated with the State:
The Shiite Museum - documents and ancient manuscripts.
The Shiite Bank - to deposit legal funds and handle financial affairs of the state.
Religious Costumes:
The clergy will wear religious costumes in accordance with a special system and with their rank and position. The system may not be breached or contravened and specific details will be set governing the design, color, religious function and rank: Ulema, laymen, masters, ministers, etc.
Education:
The Marji'iya sets its own curricula in all subjects taught at the religious Hawzas and will employ modern teaching methods, introduce languages: English and French as compulsory subjects along with other fields of studies that aid students in understanding the modern world such as: civil society, democracy and human rights. Cooperation with the world's major universities such as Oxford, Harvard, Leiden and others will be sought.
Politics:
Najaf is a neutral state and its political role will be limited to guidance, working to resolve conflicts and limit the proliferation of weapons, foster economic cooperation and political reform and calling for freedom for peoples.
Structure of the State
(The Seven Ranks)
|
1- |
Highest Marji' |
|
2- |
Council of Representatives |
|
3- |
Shura Council |
|
4- |
Fiqh Council |
|
5- |
Council of Fozala' (Rectors) |
|
6- |
The Senate (Shiite Notables)
|
|
7- |
Council of Delegates |
Structure of the State
(Explanation)
(1)
Highest Marji'
Head of State and the grand spiritual leader of the Shiite sect in the world (no particular nationality)
Councils Directly Associated with Marji':
1. First Deputy: will substitute for Marji' in all official and administrative matters.
2. General Control Council
3. Planning and Statistics Council
4. Women Council
5. Youth Council
(The First Deputy and the heads of all the above councils must be Iraqi Arabs)
(2)
The Council of Representatives (of Marji')
The council is comprised of seven Mujtahids (Legists): Arab (from the Gulf countries or the Levant), Iranian, African, Pakistani, Indian, Afghan and European.
The selection of Mujtahids is carried out every 5 years and their responsibilities are purely religious in nature.
(3)
Shura Council
Shura Council is comprised of 8 institutions headed by Iraqi Arabs:
1. Jurisprudence and Fatwa.
2. Finance.
3. Information.
4. Hawzas (schools) and Education.
5. Holy Sanctuaries and Religious Waqf.
6. Husseinid Ministry and Transmission.
7. Heads of Alids (Naqeebs).
8. Law and Politics.
(4)
Fiqh Council
The Council will include all Mujtahids (legists recognized for ‘Absolute Ijtihad’) of all nationalities.
(5)
Council of Fozala' (Rectors)
The Council will be comprised of no more than 99 scholars of all nationalities who are approaching the Ijtihad level or on their way to become Mujtahids. Their responsibilities lie in debating the issues that relate to the Marji’, presenting recommendations as well as the selection and election of members of the Senate.
(6)
The Shiite Senate
The Senate will be comprised of 500 notable Shiites (businessmen, literati, intellectuals and technocrats) from all over the world, both male and female. The holders of these honorary positions will undertake to study the Marjiyah’s development, architectural and charity projects, and will offer recommendations and advise on matters of concern to Shiites. They will also elect delegates from their respective countries.
Election of the Shiite Senate – nationals of different countries - will take place every four years.
(7)
Council of Delegates
Will be elected by the Shiite Senate. The Council is responsible for maintaining contact with the Marji'iya, offering advise and necessary recommendations pertaining to Waqf (Endowment) and religious issues. The Council will be comprised of around a thousand men and women of all nationalities. Elections will be held every four years.
International Status
Within Iraq: The concept will be embedded in the next Iraqi constitution.
Internationally: Recognition will be sought from the United Nations for the nascent state, with the aid of the coalition countries, once all the studies and necessary practical plans for implementing the idea are developed.
Guarantees Granted to the State
1. Recognition by the United Nations.
2. The Marji' is of special stature and is recognized by all countries regardless of the nationality he holds. He will have the right to conclude treaties with other countries, if the purpose of such treaties is to coordinate between the Marji'iya and civil authorities, without undue interference in the temporal affairs of the ruling authority, be it a republic or a monarchy. He will have the right to appoint ambassadors to other countries and accredits theirs at Najaf. He may also serve as a mediator between countries.
3. The Marji' will have immunity, is not accountable before Iraqi courts, nor may he be arrested or put on trial. Employees of Marji'iya may be tried instead.
4. The Marji' will have the right to establish departments and functions, immune to inspection or confiscation of their documents and contents; to appoint officials and agents who are free to carry out their work and perform their missions without outside monitoring; and to correspond freely with his ambassadors and agents all over the world without any restrictions.
5. The Marji' will have full rights to the honours accorded to heads of states everywhere in Iraq.
A Drawing represents the Suggested Geographical Location of the Najaf State
My suggestion is that the state should be within the area highlighted below. It is the tract that stretches from the Sea of Najaf adjacent to the tomb of Imam Ali (pbuh), to the Euphrates in Kufa, including both of its banks, an area approximately 15 km in length and 15 km in width, so as to include the mosques of Kufa and Sahla and the surrounding environs of tombs and sanctuaries, such as the tomb of Sa'sa'a Ibn Sawhan and the house of Imam Ali (pbuh), the tomb of Maitham Al-Tamar and Ibrahim Al-Ghamr, the tombs of Muslim and Hani, to Kurai Sa'da, Hasnana then all Wadi Al-Salam cemetery on the way to Karbala. It has been established that Imam Ali (pbuh) lived in this area and that as caliph, he conducted the affairs of Muslims from here. The area was also inhabited by Prophet Abraham (pbuh) known then as Ankia. The area, according to Shiites, ranks fourth in holiness after Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem. All verified Shiite traditions concur that the area will be the future capital of the Awaited Imam Mahdi.
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1 The full text of the saying may be viewed in the book Usul Al-Kafi by Al-Kulini, Virtue of Science book, Divergence of Sayings chapter, saying No. 10, as well as in Means of Shiites by Al-Hur Al-'Amili, book of Jurisprudence, Attributes of Judges, chapter 11, saying No. 9.
2 "The house of Abi Ja'far Al-Tosi in Karkh was raided and all his notes were taken, and a chair he used when delivering his lectures, brought out to Karkh, and to these were added three white banners 'Sanjaqs', which people of Karkh had been known to carry along with them when visiting Kufa. All these were burned. Abu Ja'far Al-Tusi fled, but his home was ransacked .." Ibn Al-Jawzi: Al-Montazam 8: 172 & 179.
3 Travels of Ibn Jubair, 210 and what followed.
4 Travels of Ibn Batuta 1: 109-113, (3) Ibn Batuta: Ibid.
5 Jamal Al-Din Ahmad Ibn Ali Al-Husseini: Umadat Al-Talib: 281, Ghayat Al-Ikhtisar: 118.
6 The Ottoman general, Sulaiman 'Askari Pasha accused the Sunnite judge (and deputy to the governor of Basra prior to its fall to the British), of collaborating with the British enemy and of conspiring to surrender Basra to them. The Ottoman general ordered the judge killed and the order was carried out. A paper was found near the dead body that read "this is the punishment for those who deliver the nation to the enemy". The Ottoman leader had entered the war against the British along with Shiite fighters, with battles on three fronts: Al Shiy'iyah, Qurna and 'Arabstan. At the battle of Rawta, the armies fighting against the British lost and Sulaiman Askari Pasha was wounded. It was reported that while he was on his recovery bed at a Baghdad hospital, his commander looked at him in disbelief questioning why he was not out leading the charge against the British. He said “here you rest safe and secure in lavish surroundings, you who have always drawn a large salary from the state, while Imam Sayyed Mahdi Al-Haidi (the Imam of the Shiites) is out fighting the British, despite his old age and his position of eminence. He who has never accepted payment from the Ottomans large or small, in all his life, now stands in the first line of combat.
7 Raja' Hussein Al-Khatab: AbdulRahman Al-Naqib, His Private Life and Political Views. P. 20, Baghdad 1984.
8 Al-Wardi: Lamhat Ijtima'iya, Ch. 6, P. 1 p. 31, as reported by Al-Hasani.
9 Miss Bell: Chapters from Recent Iraqi History, translated by Ja'far Al-Khayat, ed.2, Beirut 1971, p. 480.
10 A survey of the names of Iraqi Prime Ministers and the number of times they assumed office starting with the establishment of the Iraqi state until the last Baathist rule, reveals that in 68 years, 5 Shiites assumed this office for a total combined period of less than 3 years. Of the 59 governments formed under the monarchy, only 5 were headed by a Shiite Prime Minister. As for the Republic, within a total of 30 years, that is, between 1958 and 1988, only one Shiite served as PM and then for a period of 10 months only. A Shiite formed a government for the first time more than a quarter of a century after the establishment of the state. That was Saleh Jaber who became Prime Minister in 1947. There were always unusual circumstances or special reasons, even hidden motives behind the commissioning of a Shiite to form a government in the history of Modern Iraq. The Shiites were not allowed representation in parliament at the time of the monarchy, and the policies of disenfranchisement were such that Shiite candidates were not allowed to stand for parliament in Shiite-dominated areas, such as Al-Kut, for example. In all of 16 parliaments no Shiite candidate was chosen to represent the Diali region in which Shiites make up two thirds of the population there, with the exception of three sessions in which a Shiite leader was nominated. However several Sunnite nominees were imposed on Shiite areas such as Amara, Diwaniya and Hilla, where two thirds of the total number of representatives for those regions were Sunnites.